Adam Smith experienced higher education as both a student and a teacher. He thought it was important that teachers be held monetarily accountable to students.
Current attacks on free speech reveal progressivism as a uniquely American iteration of fascism that shares many of its historical and ideological roots.
Can we ground a libertarian political philosophy in existentialist moral anti-realism?
Smith explains the significance, for Locke, of the increased productivity caused by labor, and the relationship between money and property.
Long examines political themes in Ancient Greek drama.
Adam Smith thought that everyone should receive an education, and that funding should be set up to comport with justice and to incentivize a high quality product.
Athens had many procedural safeguards against undesirable behavior.
Markets bring us goods and services for less than we’d be willing to pay if we had to—in the case of the Internet and related products, a lot less.
Smith explains how Locke dealt with some problems in the traditional Christian theory of private property.
Smith discusses Robert Nozick’s criticisms of Locke’s property theory and the relationship between a natural-law justification of property and social conventions.
How were police services, courts, and education provided in ancient Athens?
People have been predicting calamities for countless generations, but the sky stubbornly refuses to fall. Reject the politics of doom.
Smith explains Locke’s ideas about how we should interpret a philosophic text, and the relationship between labor and private property.
While Smith thought the state should be restricted to questions of commutative justice, he didn’t think other aspects of ethics were merely matters of taste.
In his first essay in a new series on John Locke, Smith explains some essential features of Locke’s case for private property.
Some people express disdain for “consumers” and “consumption,” but being a consumer is really just going about the business of living.
Is there a contradiction in forbidding aggression against persons and permitting people to defend their property with physical force? Not so, argues D’Amato.
Are libertarians begging the question when they talk about what counts as aggression? Not so, argues D’Amato.
Smith discusses Locke’s view of the original commons, before the institution of private property.
In his review of “On Inequality,” Kuznicki argues that Frankfurt’s short book repudiates some foundational ideas in economics and is the worse for it.
Athenian banks afforded women and slaves a chance at economic autonomy. This was possible because of lax enforcement of laws restricting their economic liberty.
For libertarians, property rights are deeply linked with our rights to bodily integrity, but for leftists, property rights aren’t seen as particularly important.
Smith continues his discussion of how the theory of private property changed over the centuries.
We reject the idea that some people are born superior to others, with a right to rule them. What, then, if anything, justifies a state’s power over its citizens?
Personal freedom in ancient Athens was tied up with economic freedom, including free trade and free immigration.