The radical libertarian abolitionists thought it was senseless to attack slavery while defending the institutions that upheld it.
D’Amato looks at the Garrisonians, the most diehard and arguably most consistently libertarian of the abolitionists.
Ayn Rand and Max Stirner argued different versions of egoism.
Libertarians frequently disagree about the status of intellectual property. D’Amato explores the views of four major libertarian thinkers.
What is the place of utilitarianism in the broader libertarian tradition?
An overview of the life, work, and influence of Henry George, who famously argued that the only justifiable tax was a property tax on land.
An intellectual portrait of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, an early anarchist who had a profound influence on libertarianism and socialism as we know them today.
Stressing the anti-centralization impulse in libertarianism, D’Amato envisions a future without bureaucratic central planners—socialist or corporate.
Sex radicals Angela and Ezra Haywood published the periodical The Word, often battling censors in their effort to get government out of the bedroom.
Moses Harman, publisher of Lucifer, was an important figure in the ninteenth century free love, anarchist, and feminist movements.
Victoria Woodhull was a political radical in the free love movement and the first woman to run for president.
D’Amato examines the arguments presented by a range of advocates for decentralism in government and the private sector.
Jury nullification is the practice of a jury refusing to convict a defendant of violating a law the jurors view as unjust.
A radical individualist, Dora Marsden edited the political journals The Freewoman, The New Freewoman, and The Egoist.
The thought of Thomas Aquinas, which was strongly influenced by Aristotle, offers a potential justification for political decentralization.
Henry Meulen was an individualist anarchist and an early proponent of free banking.
An emphasis on decentralization unites radicals on left and right in American politics, while moderates support central power.
The partisans of “reasonable” technocracy often hide their desire to dominate others behind a disdain for “ideology” and “politics.”