An introduction to thinking about the state within a framework of virtue ethics.
The non-aggression principle assumes a radical simplicity just not present in the real world, Lindsey argues.
Libertarians are mistaken to seek foundations, to take sides over moral approaches, and to have no proper theory of liberty.
The classic argument John Rawls sets out in A Theory of Justice provides a strong foundation for libertarianism, Kogelmann says.
Government’s very nature attracts the vicious, corrupts the virtuous, and encourages foolish decisions—so we should limit its power as much as possible.
Conservatives use the precautionary principle to justify domestic spying just as the left uses it to justify environmentalism. Neither is convincing.
Jason Kuznicki argues that “anyone who cares about human liberty—to whatever degree—ought to despise the Confederacy.”
William Graham Sumner often gets unfairly labeled a social Darwinist. In this first post in a new series, Zwolinski tries to nail down just what “social Darwinism” means.
Libertarians reject an expansive state. But this doesn’t mean they reject social bonds or the benefits of working with others to achieve common goals.
Not only is the charge of Sumner being a social Darwinist unfair, but it characterizes his views as nearly the opposite of what they actually were.
Zwolinski examines William Graham Sumner’s critique of “social justice.”
Zwolinski concludes his series on William Graham Sumner with the question of how we ought to help the poorest among us.
Big government makes it easy to forget what government’s for—and that allows state agents to get away with truly awful acts.
Cogently attacking libertarianism means, at the very least, wrestling with what libertarians actually believe.
Brian Kogelmann expands a short article on civil disobedience into a longer, more serviceable general theory of civil disobedience.