Despite his initial reactions, Tucker settles in to sympathize with the “martyrs” convicted of and executed for the Haymarket Square bombing.
Smith contrasts the modern secular approach to private property with the traditional Christian theory.
Advocates of “socialism” must express their support for a set of institutions, not a set of desired outcomes.
Abram D. Smith is a forgotten figure in American history. But in September 1838, a circle of revolutionaries elected him to be President of Canada.
Anti-gun and anti-immigrant sentiments are driven by disgust and tribal signaling, not evidence and sound argumentation.
There’s a long history of libertarian thought on the ethics and efficacy of voting.
Jay Schweikert and Clark Neily join us for a conversation on law enforcement and accountability.
Public-sector unions exert a baleful influence on the legislative process.
Libertarianism comes in many varieties. Here, Powell sets out his own off-the-beaten-path version, with intellectual roots among the Ancient Greeks.
Does the modern libertarian movement have any significant similarities to the early Christian movement? Smith explores this intriguing possibility.
The internet may be beginning to deliver on its potential to radically change human interactions in all spheres of life.
The Young Americans were New York’s next generation of artists, intellectuals, and activists; many of whom were inspired by the Loco-Foco movement.
Smith discusses what Garrison meant by the “right of secession,” and how he reconciled his views with his condemnation of secession by the southern states.
Rick Doblin joins us to give a primer on the medical uses of psychedelics.
After surveying a string of possible arsons (by communists, for insurance fraud) and the Haymarket Square bombing, Tucker advises against all violence.
George H. Smith discusses the traditional Christian theory of private property and how it was viewed as the result of original sin.
Empowering the state so that it can “make us safer” often results in oppressive law enforcement crackdowns on minorities.
By the Fall of 1837, both Tammany Hall Democrats and the Locofocos loved Van Buren’s administration so a reunion was now a real possibility.