Elijah Sisk explores the different meanings of jealousy in the work of Adam Smith and George Washington.
In his “Farewell Address” (September 19, 1796), George Washington wrote:
The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations.
In nurturing “the just pride of patriotism,” Washington went on to call for “a jealousy of a free people.” “Jealous” is used six times. Three are negative in connotation and three are more positive. After calling for “a jealousy of a free people,” Washington writes: “that jealousy to be useful must be impartial.”
In “Three Modes of Patriotism,” Erik Matson endorses what he calls the patriotism of partnership. The spirit of this patriotism is captured in Adam Smith’s words about proper attitudes between England and France:
In [achieving its own] improvements each nation ought, not only to endeavour itself to excel, but from the love of mankind, to promote, instead of obstructing the excellence of its neighbours. These are all proper objects of national emulation, not of national prejudice or envy.1
Alongside the virtuous patriotism of partnership are two less wholesome kinds of patriotism. One is what Matson calls “the patriotism of national jealousy.” “Jealousy” here has an invidious connotation. It signifies a patriotism apt to turn ugly.
Patriotism as national jealousy, Matson says, “stems from the belief that the good of the nation contends with the good of other nations.”2 It is a patriotism of “place”. If another country rises in “place” or “wins,” our country must go down or lose. The patriotism of national jealousy tends toward zero-sum: there is only one first place, so if the other country attains it, we do not. This patriotism, Matson says, inflames people “to support the extension of national power through military dominance.” Smith described this patriotism as a “ferocious” and “savage” patriotism.
Yet Washington used jealousy favorably with reference to “a free people.” Since Matson follows the lead of Smith, I wondered whether Smith and Washington are at odds on the sentiments of patriotism, jealousy, and pride. For modern readers, jealousy is understood as a vice, associated with positional insecurity and invidiousness.3
Is jealousy necessarily a vicious passion? Or is jealousy a passion that can assert itself both in vice and in virtue?
Adam Smith on Pride
What Smith says about the word “pride” is helpful here. His chief discussion of pride treats it as the vice of overestimating one’s own merit or importance. But he notes that the words pride and proud “are sometimes taken in a good sense.”4 Smith himself sometimes uses pride in a good sense.5 Pride “is frequently attended with many respectable virtues; with truth, with integrity, with a high sense of honour, with cordial and steady friendship, with the most inflexible firmness and resolution.”6
But Smith’s analysis of pride, which is mixed with his analysis of vanity, is chiefly a call to reduce one’s pride. Focusing on pride as a vice, he writes:
But we cannot enter into and sympathize with the excessive self-estimation of those characters in which we can discern no such distinguished superiority. We are disgusted and revolted by it; and it is with some difficulty that we can either pardon or suffer it. We call it pride or vanity; two words, of which the latter always, and the former for the most part, involve in their meaning a considerable degree of blame.7
Vanity differs from pride in that the proud man sincerely believes his overestimation of himself and wants others to estimate him as he does, whereas the vain man wants others to estimate him more highly than he estimates himself. Smith writes that “[t]he words vain and vanity are never taken in a good sense.”8 He points out, however, that there are redeeming facets of vanity, including how it may be part of a process of rising upward in virtue.9
Smith’s instruction about pride and vanity is oriented around the notion that perfect propriety and virtue would be to estimate oneself only as you deserve and to seek no more from others than what you deserve:
That degree of self-estimation, therefore, which contributes most to the happiness and contentment of the person himself, seems likewise most agreeable to the impartial spectator. The man who esteems himself as he ought, and no more than he ought, seldom fails to obtain from other people all the esteem that he himself thinks due. He desires no more than is due to him, and he rests upon it with complete satisfaction.10
Smith says repeatedly that humans never arrive at perfection. But we can improve. Smith sees that passions such as pride—the continual solicitous impulse to estimate oneself highly—are necessarily part and parcel of upward improvement.
Between Two Jealousies
In examining Washington’s jealousy through a Smithian framework, it becomes evident that, like pride, jealousy too admits both vicious and virtuous expressions. Matson describes an unjust jealousy, which he deems incompatible with Smithian virtue. It implies the belief that the good of one’s nation must contend with the good of other nations. Holding this belief frequently impels such patriots to support military ascendancy over neighboring states, which motivates extensive systems of economic intervention, domestic and foreign. In this context, jealousy frequently busts through the proper bounds of justice.
Washington clearly denounces this mode of patriotism and endorses the contrary.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all… It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence… The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.11
But Washington did not suppose that it would be easy to maintain good faith and justice toward all nations. He used “a jealousy of a free people” in his discussion of threats posed to American liberty by foreign influence.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.12
While Matson highlights how the good of one’s own nation may invidiously contend with the good of others, Washington’s jealousy holds that the good of one nation shouldn’t contend with the good of other nations, but that it could. For this reason, Washington’s endorsement of jealousy is prudent, and to be employed defensively against a certain category of threat.
Smith, too, suggests the jealousy may be beneficial. In The Wealth of Nations, he writes of the common people of England being “so jealous of their liberty”13 and says: “Men of republican principles have been jealous of a standing army as dangerous to liberty”.14 Smith understood that virtue depends on passions.
Washingtonian jealousy appears as a reasonable, vigilant countermeasure to ward against the repercussions of favoritism, or the “passionate attachment of one nation for another,” which, Washington tells us “produces a variety of evils”15:
Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions—by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained—and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld.16
Because the relationship with a favored nation is deceptively forged on illusionary mutual interest, jealousy serves as the filter through which one is able to distinguish genuine American interests from agendas of the favored nation, sold as American interests. For Washington, a just American jealousy serves to protect the lives of citizens, along with their taxes. It prevents entanglement in foreign wars with enemies of the favored nation and preserves American wealth for the benefit of America’s own, rather than diverting it to the government of the favored nation. Because democracies naturally must contain the seeds of their own undoing, a “jealousy of a free people” also serves as a vetting mechanism for our elected officials and our fellow citizens.
Washington warns that favoritism incentivizes treason:
And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.17
Washington understands that liberty is fragile and that the structures and status quos which protect liberty can be used to displace it. Washington says that public vigilance
should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism.20
Perhaps it could be said that a “jealousy of a free people” is the perpetual approach Americans must take to foreign “friendships” to ensure that nobody gets too cozy and sacrifices the nation’s independency. The nation must stand ready to say “no” to its alleged friend.
In a very Smithian manner, Washington deliberately calls for prudence and impartiality in his final use of “jealous”:
But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.21
The object of Washington’s jealousy is not rival nations, but the operations of power within the polity. It is a restrained suspicion, within bounds, oriented toward the preservation of liberty. Properly understood, it is not invidiousness toward others but a protectiveness over one’s own constitutional order.
Jealousy and Zealotry
There is a word that is etymologically related to jealous and which, too, derives from the Latin term for an ardent will to defend one’s own. That word is zealous, and it also has both negative and positive connotations. When the purpose is good and means are just, zeal is praised. In the “Farewell Address,” Washington uses “zeal” four times, and they are all positive uses—three are declarations of his own zeal for the interests of Americans. But the words zealot and zealotry have a negative connotation, suggesting that the ardor busts through the proper bounds of justice. Zeal may be the vice of the fanatic, in whom a certain passion runs amok.
In the time of Smith and Washington, the Aristotelian notion of a virtue being situated between a vice of deficiency and a vice of excess was commonplace. Smith and Washington did not ask people to banish passion but rather to develop juster passions, properly operating on proper objects. Passions were to be cultivated to check other passions, troublesome passions, rather like James Madison’s hope that faction would check faction and Smith’s hope that church sect would check church sect.
Washington’s “Farewell Address” makes clear that he saw passions as part and parcel of our answering virtue’s call to upwardness. Smith too teaches that sentiment is central to virtue, if only because sentiment is integral to purpose. Smith writes of “the love of our country”:
The love of our country seems, in ordinary cases, to involve in it two different principles; first, a certain respect and reverence for that constitution or form of government which is actually established; and secondly, an earnest desire to render the condition of our fellow-citizens as safe, respectable, and happy as we can.22
Love is a sentiment that can motivate action. It can frequently be called a passion when it impels action. Sentiments that do not impel action are often called emotions. Thus, roughly, active sentiments are passions and passive sentiments are emotions.
Conclusion
Washington is arguably foremost among the Founding Fathers. He provided a guiding judgment throughout the entire Founding experience, from the end of the colonial period, through the violent struggle for independence, through the 1780s and the Constitutional moment, and through the 1790s and the first two presidential terms.
Washingtonian jealousy is not only compatible with but necessary for Smith’s approved mode of patriotism, which Matson calls the patriotism of partnership. Washington tells Americans: “Observe good faith and justice towards all nations.”23 Washington’s patriotism of partnership commends us for loving our country and instructs us in how to keep the love true and just.
1. Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, eds. D. D. Raphael and A. L. Macfie (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1982), 228.3.
2. Erik Matson, “Three Modes of Patriotism,” Libertarianism.org, Cato Institute, 2024, https://www.libertarianism.org/articles/three-modes-patriotism.
3. I asked several LLMs: “Has it grown less common over the past 250 years for people to use ‘jealous’ for something beneficial or virtuous?” They all said yes, most certainly.
4. Smith, Theory of Moral Sentiments, 258.44.
5. Smith, Theory of Moral Sentiments, 147.27, 261.49, 262.52.
6. Smith, Theory of Moral Sentiments, 258.42.
7. Smith, Theory of Moral Sentiments, VI.iii.33.
8. Smith, Theory of Moral Sentiments, 258.43; italics in original.
9. Smith, Theory of Moral Sentiments, 259.46.
10. Smith, Theory of Moral Sentiments, 261.50.
11. George Washington, “Farewell Address to the People of the United States,” September 19, 1796, prepared by the United States Senate Historical Office, 18.
12. Washington, “Farewell Address,” 20.
13. Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, eds. R. H. Campbell and A. S. Skinner (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1981), 157.99; see also 660.47.
14. Smith, Wealth of Nations, 706.41.
15. Washington, “Farewell Address,” 19.
16. Washington, “Farewell Address,” 20.
17. Washington, “Farewell Address,” 20.
18. Washington, “Farewell Address,” 24.
19. Washington, “Farewell Address,” 21.
20. Washington, “Farewell Address,“ 15.
21. Washington, “Farewell Address,” 21.
22. Smith, Theory of Moral Sentiments, 231.11.
23. Washington, “Farewell Address,” 18.
