David S. D’Amato

Ammon Hennacy believed he had a duty as a Christian to help others directly and to oppose the state.

If the modern police force is first and foremost a tool of oppression and predation, we ought to build different institutions to respond to crimes.

While Karl Marx hated Pierre‐​Joseph Proudhon and his philosophy of mutualism, a libertarian can find in it much to appreciate.

In the pages of Benjamin Tucker’s periodical Liberty, James L. Walker defended a brand of egoism similar to Max Stirner’s.

Defying categorization as a socialist or capitalist thinker, Josiah Warren was staunchly individualist–distrustful of institutions like states that subsumed individuals into “combinations.”

The 1619 Project and the debate it spurred have both been fraught with conceptual and historical misunderstandings about the relationship between slavery and free markets.

Nowhere in the Constitution does it carve out a spot for secretive bureaucracies that never have to answer to the public.

The advent of the modern state did not usher in an era of unprecedented peace.

“[S]chools don’t really teach anything except how to obey orders.”

Henry Clarke Wright was a radical among radicals, driven by a religious conviction in the equality of all people.

We must overcome our political‐​cultural group affinities if we wish to see things as they are: the problem isn’t ultimately who controls the state, but the state itself.

Libertarianism is, fundamentally, an other‐​regarding philosophy that emphasizes our obligations to refrain from dominating others and from imposing our vision of the good life on them.

Sidney Parker’s thoroughgoing Stirnerite individualism set him outside and against all political and moral ideologies.

The common slogan that we must “get money out of politics”, when referring to campaign finance laws, has it backwards.

The paternalistic welfare state has failed to create a reliable social safety net. Decentralized, voluntary institutions can do the job better.